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Brunei's Foreign Policy Lauded
Bandar Seri
Begawan - The Australian National University publication
"Asian Analysis" has featured Brunei Darussalam's Minister of
Foreign Affairs and Trade, HRH Prince Mohamed Bolkiah, in its
February 2007 edition.
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In an article for the Asean Focus
Group on HRH's approach to foreign affairs, distinguished
British scholar and Southeast Asian authority, Dr A V M Horton,
reviews His Royal Highness's leadership of the Ministry since
1984. Following is the article:
The "fundamental reference
point" of Negara Brunei Darussalam's foreign policy remains His
Majesty the Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam's
address to the United Nations in 1984, which upheld the UN
Charter and the Sultanate's own right to maintain its
sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Brunei
insists on the peaceful resolution of disputes and proclaims its
duty to enhance the economic and social well-being of all its
peoples, along with their political, cultural and religious
identity. The titah also affirmed Brunei's belief that the
ultimate purpose of international relations was to build
friendship and cooperation between the peoples of the world.
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The Foreign Ministry has "the
freedom to be as flexible and as skilful as possible" in
implementing these policy guidelines. HRH the Perdana Wazir (the
premier vizier) puts "a premium on politeness, good manners,
tolerance, and hospitality"; this encapsulates what the
Sultanate stands for in international affairs (page 146 of his
autobiography "Time and The River''). Brunei wishes to be
positive: "We are small, modest, and moderate. We have no
quarrel with anyone. We are willing to do what we can to help;'
(p 147). Person-to-person contacts are also emphasised: "I have
always appreciated meeting other leaders face to face, formally
or informally. I have never felt patronised as a representative
of a small country" (p 172). His Royal Highness has a long
historical perspective, given that his own realm, once a
powerful empire, had been reduced to pitiful straits by the
start of the 20th century. The lesson he draws is that "it does
not take long for today's superpower to become tomorrow's
village on the river".
"It is a well-known
characteristic of Brunei people", the Prince adds, "that we shy
away from direct confrontation. We prefer to gain any advantage
by cleverer means. Some may say by more devious means."
Diplomacy, he considers, "must always operate rationally. We
feel this involves giving everyone the chance to resolve
differences with dignity. To put it simply, a rival must be
allowed to `save face'. This is the key, I believe, to
understanding why Asean has so far succeeded" (pp 98-9). |
His Royal Highness identifies
several phases in the development of the Sultanate's foreign policy
since 1980, when he was asked to take part in the formation of
Brunei's Diplomatic Service Department.
First: 1980-3, when preliminary
staff for a future Foreign Ministry were recruited and trained.
Welcoming the opportunity it gave him to participate actively in the
process of nation-building, the premier vizier familiarised himself
with his future role. The assistance he received from the United
Kingdom and from Asean governments is acknowledged. "Disasters were
commonplace," the Prince recounts. "Some of them, 1 gather, I am
still not aware of even to this day and comprise part of cherished
Ministry folklore" (p 137).
Secondly: 1984-9, when the task of
the immediate post independence era was that of introducing the
Sultanate to the world. "We were young, inexperienced and new to
international affairs. ... In truth, though we tried not to let on,
we stood very nervously" (p 146). The fledgling Foreign Ministry
slowly accumulated expertise, all the while gaining in respect from
the international community. "Overall, I believe we were successful
and I gradually began to feel less like a curious representative of
the richest man in the world than a real live Minister with a real
live set of informed and concerned diplomats in my delegation" (p
159. These years were
overshadowed by the death,' in 1986, of the Seri Begawan Sultan:
the main question was whether the younger generation in the royal
family would be able to move successfully out of his shadow.
Thirdly: 1989-95, when the period of
apprenticeship was over and Brunei was becoming more assured in the
global arena. This period also marked the end of the Cold War. The
Asean Ministerial Meeting in Bandar Seri Begawan in July 1989 is
taken as marking the Sultanate's coming of age. As regional tensions
were reduced, these six years were tremendously exciting, marking
the establishment of the Asean Free Trade Area, the Asean Regional
Forum, and, shortly afterwards (in 1996) the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
Asean, in the Perdana Wazir's estimation, "is more than a political
or economic association. It is a family. To those of us who grew up
in the war-torn, hostile, suspicious and sometimes near-anarchic
Southeast Asia of the fifties and sixties, that is an astonishing
achievement by the leaders of the region" (p 171).
Fourthly: the period from 1995
onwards (he was writing in 2000) was an age of globalisation', when
economic affairs came to the fore, particularly the Southeast Asian
crisis of 1997 and its aftermath. The Prince's judgement is that
human values must be allowed to prevail over the workings of the
market (pp 197, 199).
Without the need for re-election,
the Brunei government can formulate a long-term `national agenda' as
opposed to a `party platform' and does not have ministers "demanding
to know the electoral implications of every action or statement".
The result, HRH the Perdana Wazir suggests, "is tremendous freedom
for the public servant to exercise his or her individual talent.
With it, however, goes responsibility in equal measure. The officers
have no detailed reference book" (p 143).
On 1 August 2005 His Royal Highness
was upgraded to "Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade" (Asian,Analysis,
August 2005).
He was born on 27 August 1947 at a
time comet mg with the re-birth of his country after the Second
World War. He grew up and was educated with HRH Prince Hassanal
Bolkiah, his elder brother. The age difference between the two is
little more than a year; they were educated together, notably at the
Victoria Institution (Kuala Lumpur) and at Sand Hurst; they were
`almost inseparable' and have enjoyed `a lifelong friendship'. When
the Crown Prince succeeded to the throne in 1967, however,
"relations would subtly change as we began to take on the different
roles public life would demand of us" (p 94). Enter HRH Pg Anak
Isteri Pg Anak Hjh Zariah, the bedrock of his adult life, whom he
married in 1970; the couple has 10 children.
HRH Prince Mohamed Bolkiah's
background and formation is explained in his autobiography, Time and
the River. Brunei Darussalam 1947-2000: A Memoir (Brunei Press
Sendirian Berhad, Bandar Seri Begawan), launched on 6 August 2000 (Pelita
Brunei 9.8.2000:16). The book furnishes an insight into the Prince's
thought processes, his outlook, and his working methods. What is
more, the narrative structure is exquisitely crafted, showing the
various stages of his development: the child, the teenager, the
adult, the military officer, the vizier, the cabinet minister, the
all-round public figure, and the world statesman. All this is
skillfully interwoven from different standpoints, for example the
child's point of view and the adult looking back at the child. The
book portrays the Prince's growing awareness of himself, his
country, and the world around him. It is quite brilliantly done.
His Royal Highness emerges from
this self-portrait as disarmingly modest, reflective, and well
balanced; he is also impressively witty in places (p 65). He is the
listening and watching Prince, taking everything in, and, when the
time comes, pouncing to deliver his ruling. The biggest influence on
him was the Seri Begawan Sultan, who offered pearls of wisdom, such
as: "Never be tempted to blow your own trumpet". Sir Omar Ali's
preferred method of teaching, we are told, was through old stories
and the lessons they offered (pp 138-9).
At peace with himself, HRH the
Perdana Wazir has a strong sense of his own identity as a Bruneian,
a Prince, and a Muslim. He takes pride in national survival. He
roots himself in his country and people. He highlights his
influences (the river; his royal birth; his religion; his parents;
his military training; the British Protectorate; his elders and
ancestors) and the lessons he has learnt. His Royal Highness has an
abhorrence of `ideology', which he denounces at regular intervals in
the book. He remains friendly towards the United Kingdom.
His job, he says, is to get the
best out of those who advise government (p 145): "Options are
important to me. So is the value I place on those whom I trust to
present them to me" (p 47). Or: "I instinctively feel comfortable in
the royal tradition of having clear straightforward options. I like
to make any judgment after I have heard from trusted, experienced
advisers who have proved themselves over the years" (p 130). He
suspects the abstract and the philosophical (p 145). Nowadays, he
prefers public speeches to be short, sharp, and clear: "I admire
plain, straightforward expression both in Malay and English. I
strongly believe that any other type of language serves to damage or
even destroy meaning. If we destroy simple meaning,
straightforwardly expressed, we lose contact with the people we are
supposed to represent" (pp 160-1).
Although there are undoubtedly
other sides to the story, Prince Mohamed Bolkiah has a glittering
record by any standards. --
Courtesy of Borneo Bulletin
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